Chapter 3
Two thousand years of remarkable agreement on what happens when a Christian dies
Smyrna, on the Aegean coast, around the year 155. The proconsul has tried everything. He has pressed the old bishop to revile Christ. He has appealed to his age. He has reminded him that the lions are hungry and that the fire is real. The bishop, eighty-six years old, will not bend. For eighty and six years I have served Him,
he says, and He has done me no wrong. How then can I blaspheme my King who has saved me?
1
So they bring him to the stake. They tie him with cords. He prays — a long, careful prayer that the eyewitness account preserves almost in full. He thanks God for the gift of being numbered among the martyrs. He thanks Him for the cup of suffering. And then he says something that has echoed through the church for nineteen centuries. He says he is being received this day
into the presence of Christ.
This day. Not at some distant resurrection morning. Not after a long sleep. This day. The fire is lit, and Polycarp goes — confident, unhurried, a man stepping into a room where he is expected.
That confidence is not unique to Polycarp. We see it in Stephen, who at the moment of his stoning sees the heavens opened and the Son of Man standing to receive him (Acts 7:56). We see it in Paul, who would rather be away from the body and at home with the Lord
(2 Corinthians 5:8). We see it in Vibia Perpetua, the young Carthaginian noblewoman martyred in 203, whose prison diary records visions of the dead and a settled assurance that she was about to enter a place of light.2 We see it in the catacomb inscriptions Roman Christians carved over the bones of their dead — short, hopeful words like in pace (in peace) and vivit (he lives, she lives).
This chapter tells the story of how the church has thought about what happens when a Christian dies. The story turns out to be remarkably consistent — across centuries, languages, traditions, councils, and continents. There are real differences in detail, and we will look at them. But underneath the differences sits a tradition that has held its shape for two thousand years. Five claims have been nearly universal. The dying Christian goes to be with Christ. The soul departs the body. The intermediate state is conscious. Angels accompany the soul. The body waits, in honor, for the resurrection.
Some Christian thinkers today — careful, sincere people I want to take seriously — argue that this consistent tradition is not biblical at root. They say it is a Greek-philosophical corruption that crept in early and has been passed down ever since. The rest of the book engages this charge in detail. Here, I want to do something simpler. I want to lay the tradition out so we can see it. Because once you see how broadly and how deeply Christians have held these things, the burden of proof shifts. The traditional reading is not a quaint inheritance to be discarded. It is the lived faith of the church across nearly every century.
The earliest Christians faced death often. Persecution came in waves. Plague swept the cities of the empire. Childbirth and ordinary illness took the very young and the very old. The fathers of the church were not theorizing about dying from the comfort of a study. They were burying their friends.
Their writings are saturated with a confidence that startles modern readers. Cyprian of Carthage, writing during the deadly plague of the 250s, urged his flock not to grieve as those without hope. The Christian, he wrote, should not fear what is in fact a release into the arms of Christ. Tertullian, decades earlier, had already worked out a careful account of the soul's departure from the body at death and its conscious existence in the place of the dead.3 The writings of the apologists, the prayers in the early liturgies, the inscriptions in the catacombs — they all assume the same thing. The soul goes. Christ receives it. The body waits.
One image dominates the patristic theology of dying: the descent of Christ. Christ went down to the realm of the dead between His crucifixion and resurrection. He preached there. He freed the righteous who had waited for Him. The fathers — Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Tertullian, and many others — return to this theme again and again.4 Christ has been to the place where the dying go. He has gone before. The dying soul does not enter alien territory. It enters territory the King has already walked. (The full development of the descent and its bearing on contemporary near-death experience evidence belongs to Chapter 25.)
There was variation in the East. A patristic strand — visible in Origen, Gregory of Nyssa, and others — held out hope that God's love might in the end purify and restore even those who had refused Him. This apokatastasis tradition was contested in its own day and condemned in some of its more speculative forms in the sixth century, but it never disappeared, and it has been recovered by careful scholars in our own time.5 The variation matters because it shows the tradition was capacious. It could disagree about what happened in the long run. It did not disagree about what happened at death. The soul departed. The encounter was real. Christ was waiting.
The eyewitness Martyrdom of Polycarp — one of the earliest non-canonical Christian texts we possess — preserves his final prayer in detail. He thanks God for the company of the martyrs and asks to be received as a sacrifice. The text reads like a man saying goodbye on a doorstep, not a man falling into a void. The early church preserved it because it captured something essential about how the Christian was supposed to die: with the door open, with the host waiting, with the wait not very long.
By the late Middle Ages, the church in the West had developed an elaborate theology and practice of the deathbed. The plague years — especially the great epidemic that swept Europe in the mid-fourteenth century — left whole regions without priests and made dying-without-a-priest a real pastoral problem. Out of that problem came one of the most remarkable bodies of Christian literature: the Ars Moriendi, or "Art of Dying."6
The longer Latin treatise, the Tractatus artis bene moriendi, appeared around 1415. A shorter illustrated version followed soon after, often printed with woodcuts that became some of the most widely circulated images in early-modern Europe. The structure is simple and unforgettable. The dying Christian, in their final hours, faces five great temptations. The temptation against faith — sudden doubt, the urge to give up everything believed. The temptation to despair — the fear that one's sins are too many to be forgiven. The temptation to impatience — anger at the suffering, lashing out at those who care for you. The temptation to vainglory — pride at one's own holiness in the face of death. The temptation to avarice — clinging to property, status, family in a way that refuses to let go.
For each temptation, the manuals supplied a counter. For each scene of demonic accusation, the woodcuts showed a corresponding scene of angelic help. Christ was at the bedside. Mary and the saints were at the bedside. The dying Christian was not alone, and the dying Christian was not unprepared. The pastoral wisdom was concrete and embodied. It assumed a real soul facing a real encounter and gave the dying person a real script for the hardest hours of their life.
What strikes me, reading these manuals five centuries later, is how seriously they took the actual experience of dying. They were not abstract. They knew that the dying flinch, that the dying are tempted, that the dying are sometimes terrified. They walked alongside the body's failing and the soul's struggle without flinching themselves.
The Reformers inherited the Ars Moriendi tradition and pruned it. Out went purgatory. Out went the elaborate intercessions of the saints. What stayed was the core: Christ at the bedside, the soul going to be with Him, the body buried in hope of resurrection. Martin Luther's A Sermon on Preparing to Die (1519) is a Reformation reframing of the medieval pattern.7 The dying Christian must not look at sin, death, and hell directly — those will swallow you whole. They must look at Christ on the cross. They must look at Christ at the empty tomb. They must look at Christ as the One who has gone before and now waits.
The Anglican tradition produced what may be the finest single book on dying ever written in English: Jeremy Taylor's The Rule and Exercises of Holy Dying (1651).8 Taylor wrote during the upheavals of the English Civil War, when ordinary parish life had collapsed and Christians were dying — sometimes violently — without the support of normal churchly structures. Holy Dying is a manual for ordinary believers. Practical. Warm. Severe in places, but never cold. It teaches the Christian to live always with mortality in view, to settle accounts, to forgive, to prepare the soul over months and years rather than scrambling at the last hour.
The Reformed tradition added something the medieval tradition had not quite captured: a question and answer that summarizes everything in one breath. The Heidelberg Catechism (1563) opens with this:
What is your only comfort in life and in death?
That I am not my own, but belong — body and soul, in life and in death — to my faithful Saviour Jesus Christ.
Heidelberg Catechism, Question 1 (1563)
Body and soul. In life and in death. Belong to Christ. Four hundred and sixty years later, that answer still holds.9
The East developed its own deathbed literature, its own dying liturgies, its own prayers for the soul departing the body. The Orthodox Canon for the Dying is sung at the bedside as the believer is approaching death — a long sequence of pleas and praises that acknowledges the seriousness of what is happening and entrusts the soul to Christ.
One Orthodox folk-theological development deserves a mention because it is sometimes brought up against the broader tradition: the doctrine of the teloniai, the soul's "tollhouses." After death, on this view, the soul ascends through twenty layers of demonic interrogation, each focused on a different category of sin. The mainstream Orthodox tradition has been ambivalent about the tollhouses, and many Orthodox theologians treat them as devotional imagery rather than literal geography. What the mainstream Orthodox tradition does affirm — without ambivalence — is the consistent core: the soul departs, the soul is conscious, the soul meets Christ, the body awaits the resurrection.10
Then something changed. Not in the doctrine — the doctrine kept being recited. The change was in the practice. Beginning in the late nineteenth century and accelerating through the twentieth, dying moved out of the home and into the hospital. The bedside ministry of pastors, family, and neighbors gave way to the ministry of nurses, doctors, technicians, and machines. The deathbed became a procedure room. The dying became patients. The pastor — when there was a pastor — often arrived after the family had already turned the body over to professionals.
Atul Gawande has documented this shift with care.11 The medicalization of dying brought real goods. Pain control. Sanitation. Longer lives. But it brought a quiet cost. Generations of Christians began to die without the resources their tradition had spent two thousand years developing. The Christian began to die as a generic patient rather than a child of God being received by the Father.
The Ars Moriendi tradition did not fail. It was forgotten. Allen Verhey's word for what happened is right: the church lost the art of dying.12
In the past forty years, something hopeful has begun. Hospice — pioneered by Dame Cicely Saunders and given international shape through the work of Elisabeth Kübler-Ross — recovered some of the holistic care of the dying that the church had stopped providing. Stanley Hauerwas has written for decades on what it means to die as a Christian rather than as a patient. Allen Verhey's The Christian Art of Dying (2011) and Lydia Dugdale's The Lost Art of Dying (2020) have brought the medieval tradition back into the conversation in serious ways.13 New translations and editions of the Tractatus artis bene moriendi are appearing. Christian hospice initiatives are slowly multiplying. The pastoral and theological recovery is fragile, but it is real. (Chapter 32 develops what this recovery looks like in concrete pastoral terms.)
Look at the whole arc — patristic, medieval, Reformation, Eastern, modern recovery. What has stayed the same?
Six things, I think, that nearly every century of Christian reflection on dying has affirmed. First: the dying Christian goes to be with Christ. The promise is not delayed until the resurrection; it begins at the moment of death. Second: the intermediate state is conscious. The soul does not sleep through the centuries. It is awake, present, with the Lord. Third: the soul is accompanied at death. The patristic and medieval imagery differs — angels in one period, the saints in another, Christ Himself in many — but the soul is not alone in the crossing. Fourth: Christ comes to receive the dying soul. The encounter is personal. Fifth: the dying are surrounded by the prayers of the church. The communion of saints is real, and the dying matter to the body of Christ. Sixth: death is fearful but not despairing. Christ has gone before. The fear is honest; the hope is firmer.
What has varied? The iconography — angelic processions in one age, demonic battles in another. The liturgical practices: Eastern and Western rites have followed different shapes. The specific theology of the soul's journey: purgatory in the West, the tollhouses in the East, varied accounts of Christ's descent. Some patristic and modern voices have held out a wider hope for those who die outside explicit faith; others have not. The variations are real. But they are variations on a theme — not different songs.
For two thousand years, in nearly every branch of Christian tradition, six things have been affirmed about the dying Christian: (1) departure of the soul from the body; (2) conscious survival of the soul; (3) immediate encounter with Christ; (4) accompaniment by angels or saints; (5) the body laid in honor to await the resurrection; (6) the prayers of the church surrounding the dying. This is not Greek philosophy dressed in Christian clothes. This is the church reading her Bible and burying her dead.
There is an objection that has to be faced. A growing voice in contemporary theology — call it Christian physicalism — argues that the consistent tradition I have just described is not actually the biblical teaching. It is, the argument goes, the result of a long contamination of biblical anthropology by Greek philosophy, especially by Platonic dualism between body and soul. Joel Green, Nancey Murphy, and others have argued this case at book length.14 The Hebrew Bible, on this reading, treats human beings as wholly embodied. The "soul" is not a separable thing. When the body dies, the person ceases. The hope is the resurrection — and the resurrection alone.
I take this argument seriously. The scholars who advance it are careful, faithful, and pastorally motivated. They are not trying to dismantle Christian hope. But the argument fails, and three counterpoints show why.
Christian physicalism's claim: The conscious-intermediate-state tradition is the product of Greek-philosophical contamination of an originally holistic Hebrew anthropology. The fathers were reading Plato into Paul.
The brief answer: The tradition rests on biblical texts that read straightforwardly in support of it; the contamination charge proves too much (it would also undermine our trust in the fathers on the Trinity); and the empirical evidence — the central concern of this book — supports the traditional reading.
First, the tradition is biblical at root, not Greek. The texts on which the dualist tradition rests are not obscure. Rachel's life "departing" as she dies (Genesis 35:18). The widow's son whose nephesh "returns" to him at Elijah's prayer (1 Kings 17:21–22). The teacher of Ecclesiastes telling us that at death the dust returns to the earth and the spirit returns to God who gave it (Ecclesiastes 12:7). Daniel's promise of those who sleep in the dust waking to either life or shame (Daniel 12:2). Jesus telling the disciples not to fear those who can kill the body but cannot kill the soul (Matthew 10:28). Jesus on the cross to the criminal beside Him: Today you will be with me in paradise
(Luke 23:43). Paul's preference to be "absent from the body and present with the Lord" (2 Corinthians 5:8) and his desire "to depart and be with Christ, which is far better" (Philippians 1:23). The souls under the altar in Revelation 6:9–11, conscious and crying out for justice. John Cooper has demonstrated at length that this reading is not imposed on the texts but emerges from them, and Stephen Jonathan, working from within the broader conditional-immortality and postmortem-opportunity tradition, makes the same case carefully and shows that even an evangelical anthropology committed to the dignity of the body cannot escape the conscious intermediate state without reinterpreting these texts in strained ways.15
Second, the corruption argument proves too much. If Greek philosophy so corrupted the early Christian tradition's anthropology that we cannot trust the fathers on what happens at death, why should we trust them on anything else? The same fathers — Irenaeus, Tertullian, Athanasius, the Cappadocians — gave us the doctrine of the Trinity, the canon of Scripture, the Christological definitions of Nicea and Chalcedon. The Christian physicalist must explain why the supposedly Plato-poisoned fathers can be trusted on the Trinity but not on the soul. That is a hard burden. Most who carry it eventually quietly drop it.
Third — and this is what the rest of the book is about — the empirical evidence supports the traditional reading. Veridical near-death experience research, taken at its strongest, gives us something neither the patristic period nor the medieval West could have imagined: empirical data on what happens at the boundary of death. We will look at this evidence in patient detail, beginning in Chapter 5 and developing it through the case-file chapters of Part IV. What the evidence shows, again and again, is consciousness when the body and brain say there should be no consciousness. That is precisely what the historic tradition predicted.
I want to close where this chapter began — at the bedside. Polycarp's bedside is a stake. Perpetua's is a prison. Most of ours will be different. A hospital room. A hospice apartment. A bed at home with a pump beside it and a nurse coming in three times a day. The medical realities have changed almost beyond recognition. The theology has not.
If the historic tradition is right, then the dying Christian is not facing emptiness. The dying Christian is facing a Person. Christ has been to that country. Christ is at the threshold. Angels are not a metaphor. The intermediate state is not a poetic placeholder for the resurrection. It is a real interval in which the soul is conscious, present with the Lord, awaiting the great morning when the body will be raised.
If the historic tradition is wrong — if the Christian physicalist is right — then the dying Christian is in a much harder position. The "I" who is loved and comforted ceases at the moment of death. There is, between death and resurrection, no me to be with Christ. God will resurrect someone, but the dying believer cannot be told today you will be with Him.
The Heidelberg's first answer becomes a poetic anticipation of an event nobody experiences as their own. That is a heavy thing to take from a dying person. We should be sure before we take it. (The full empirical case for the conscious intermediate state is developed in Chapter 24; the philosophical synthesis is in Chapter 23.)
Two thousand years of Christian wisdom about dying is not a relic to admire from behind glass. It is a living inheritance, designed for use. The dying Christian today has access to the same Christ Polycarp knew, the same promise the catacombs were carved with, the same hope Jeremy Taylor wrote down in 1651. The pastor at the bedside has more than platitudes. They have a tradition. Recovery will not happen all at once. It can begin one bedside at a time.
This is the book's pastoral horizon, and it is why the chapters that follow matter for more than academic reasons. We will look at the body's dying (Chapter 4), the brain's shutdown (Chapter 5), and what the best near-death experience evidence shows about consciousness during that shutdown. We will look hard at physicalist alternatives and find them wanting. And we will circle back, in the pastoral chapters at the end of the book (Chapter 32 and Chapter 33), to the Ars Moriendi tradition itself and ask what its recovery would mean for the church today.
The historic Christian theology of dying is not a museum piece. It is a living wisdom. The contemporary near-death experience evidence the rest of this book examines does not undermine that wisdom. It confirms central aspects of it — and gives the dying believer one more reason to step toward the door with eyes open and hands ready to be received.
↑ 1. The Martyrdom of Polycarp 9.3, in Michael W. Holmes, ed. and trans., The Apostolic Fathers: Greek Texts and English Translations, 3rd ed. (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2007). The traditional dating of Polycarp's martyrdom is February 23, AD 155 or 156, based on the proconsular date given in the text.
↑ 2. The Passion of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas 4 and 11–13; for the visions and the diary's first-person sections, see Thomas J. Heffernan, The Passion of Perpetua and Felicity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). Perpetua's visions of her deceased brother Dinocrates (chapters 7–8) are also of interest for the patristic understanding of the conscious intermediate state.
↑ 3. Cyprian of Carthage, De mortalitate (On Mortality), composed during the Carthaginian plague of c. 252–253; and Tertullian, De anima (A Treatise on the Soul), esp. chs. 53–58. Both translated in Ante-Nicene Fathers, vols. 5 and 3, ed. Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1885). Tertullian's account is sometimes cited as evidence of philosophical contamination, but his categories are explicitly framed against Platonic preexistence and metempsychosis.
↑ 4. Irenaeus, Against Heresies 4.27.2; Hippolytus of Rome, Treatise on Christ and Anti-Christ 26; Tertullian, De anima 55. For an extensive survey of the patristic descent tradition, see Jeffrey A. Trumbower, Rescue for the Dead: The Posthumous Salvation of Non-Christians in Early Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), and the historical material in Stephen Jonathan, Grace Beyond the Grave: Is Salvation Possible in the Afterlife? A Biblical, Theological, and Pastoral Evaluation (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock, 2014), Appendix B.
↑ 5. On the patristic apokatastasis tradition and its later reception, see Ilaria L. E. Ramelli, The Christian Doctrine of Apokatastasis: A Critical Assessment from the New Testament to Eriugena (Leiden: Brill, 2013); for accessible engagement, Andrew Hronich, Once Loved, Always Loved: The Logic of Apokatastasis (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock, 2023), ch. 7; and Gregory MacDonald [Robin A. Parry], The Evangelical Universalist, 2nd ed. (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2012), ch. 6. The author engages this strand sympathetically while affirming primarily a conditional-immortality position with postmortem opportunity.
↑ 6. The standard study remains Mary Catharine O'Connor, The Art of Dying Well: The Development of the Ars Moriendi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1942). For a recent translation and theological engagement, see the editions of the Tractatus artis bene moriendi in Eric Daniel Jubin's translation series, and Lydia S. Dugdale, ed., Dying in the Twenty-First Century: Toward a New Ethical Framework for the Art of Dying Well (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2015).
↑ 7. Martin Luther, "A Sermon on Preparing to Die" (1519), in Luther's Works, vol. 42: Devotional Writings I, ed. and trans. Martin O. Dietrich (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1969), 99–115.
↑ 8. Jeremy Taylor, The Rule and Exercises of Holy Dying (London, 1651). Modern critical edition: P. G. Stanwood, ed., Holy Living and Holy Dying, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1989). Taylor wrote Holy Dying in part as a memorial for Lady Frances, Countess of Carbery, his patroness, who died in 1650.
↑ 9. The Heidelberg Catechism (1563), Q. and A. 1; standard English translation in the Christian Reformed Church Book of Confessions and Reformed Church in America liturgical resources.
↑ 10. For mainstream Orthodox treatments of the dying soul, see Hierotheos Vlachos (Metropolitan of Nafpaktos), Life After Death, trans. Esther Williams (Levadia, Greece: Birth of the Theotokos Monastery, 1996), and Kallistos Ware, The Inner Kingdom (Crestwood, NY: SVS Press, 2000). On the contested status of the tollhouse tradition, see Michael Azkoul, The Toll-House Myth: The Neo-Gnosticism of Fr. Seraphim Rose (Dewdney, BC: Synaxis, 2005), and the more sympathetic Seraphim Rose, The Soul After Death, rev. ed. (Platina, CA: St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 2009).
↑ 11. Atul Gawande, Being Mortal: Medicine and What Matters in the End (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2014).
↑ 12. Allen Verhey, The Christian Art of Dying: Learning from Jesus (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2011).
↑ 13. Stanley Hauerwas, Naming the Silences: God, Medicine, and the Problem of Suffering (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990); Lydia S. Dugdale, The Lost Art of Dying: Reviving Forgotten Wisdom (San Francisco: HarperOne, 2020), which traces the loss and outlines a contemporary recovery aimed at a general readership.
↑ 14. Joel B. Green, Body, Soul, and Human Life: The Nature of Humanity in the Bible (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2008); Nancey Murphy, Bodies and Souls, or Spirited Bodies? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006). For the broader Christian-physicalist movement within conditional-immortality circles, see also Glenn Peoples's various essays at Rethinking Hell.
↑ 15. John W. Cooper, Body, Soul, and Life Everlasting: Biblical Anthropology and the Monism-Dualism Debate, rev. ed. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), esp. chs. 2–4 on the Old Testament texts and chs. 5–7 on the New Testament — the standard evangelical defense of holistic dualism against the Christian-physicalist reading. See also Stephen Jonathan, Grace Beyond the Grave, ch. 3, where Jonathan argues that the conscious-intermediate-state texts (2 Cor 5:1–8; Phil 1:21–23; Luke 23:43; Rev 6:9–11) cannot be re-read as poetic resurrection-anticipation without doing violence to their plain sense; and James Beilby, Postmortem Opportunity: A Biblical and Theological Assessment of Salvation After Death (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2021), esp. ch. 5, for the dualist anthropology presupposed by every coherent postmortem-opportunity account.